Assalamu'laikum wbth,
Kita perlu peka dan mengambil tahu mengenai hal semasa dan peristiwa yang berlaku. Berikut saya berkongsikan maklumat yang dipetik dari wikipedia mengenai sejarah hari Krismas.
Penganut Kristian merayakan hari kelahiran Jesus yang disebut sebagai Hari Krismas atau Hari Natal pada 25 Disember pada setiap tahun.
Sarjana Kristian menyatakan tahun sebenar Jesus ialah pada tahun 6 atau 7 sebelum masehi. Mungkin juga pada tahun 8 dan 6 sebelum tarikh masehi. Ketidakpastian tarikh ini tidaklah menghairankan kerana gereja Kristian zaman dahulu tidak mementingkan tarikh. [2]
Hari raya yang terbesar dalam agama Kristian ialah Paskah bukan Hari Natal. Hari Natal itu baru dirayakan di Persidangan Rome tahun 354 m , di Contantinople 376 m dan di Antiochia 388 m Menurut Usener, mulanya Hari lahir Jesus disambut pada 6 Januari. Tetapi Paus Liberius menukar kepada 25 Disember. Gereja-gereja Katholik merayakan hari lahir Jesus pada 7 Januari sehingga sekarang.
Hanya pada 530 masehi tarikh lahir lahir Jesus ditetapkan . Pendeta bangsa Scythian juga ahli nujum bernama Dionzysius Eziguus menetapkan pada 25 Disember , tanpa sebarang alasan munasabah .
Menurut almanak Yulius ,tarikh 25 Disember sebenarnya tarikh lahirnya matahari. Dewa Mithra dilahirkan pada 25 Disember juga . Plitach menyatakan dewa Orisis iaitu dewa orang Mesir lahir pada 27 Disember. Dewa Horus dan dewa Apollo dilahirkan pada 28 Disember. Semua dewa di atas adalah nama dewa matahari.
Dr JJ Ch. Abinene menyatakan hari lahir Jesus mulanya tidak dirayakan kerana perayaan ini menyerupai kebiasaan orang kafir.Dalam Perjanjian Baru tidak pernah disebut perayaan hari natal ini. Namun akhirnya hari lahir Jesus dirayakan juga iaitu pada 6 Januari di Mesir sekitar abad ke-3, di Galilea 360 m dan di Sepanyol 380 m. Kemudian di Rome tetapi tarikhnya 25 disember.
Kesimpulan
Ilmu perbandingan agama merupakan salah satu kompetensi yang perlu ada pada kita. Dengan itu adalah lebih mudah bagi kita menyusun atur perancangan kita agar lebih berkesan, insha Allah.
Rujukan:
1. http://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sejarah_Hari_Krismas
2. HM Arshad Talib Lubis, Perbandingan Kristen dan Islam , Pustaka Melayu Baru, Kuala Lumpur, 1983 , hlm 93.
Sunday, December 25, 2011
Friday, March 18, 2011
Analisis mengenai IM di dalam majalah Foreign Affair
Salam,
Di dalam penulisan Carrie Rosefsky Wickham di dalam majalah Foreign Affair(majalah ini merupakan antara think tank k/jaan AS di dalam membentuk dasar luar mereka), beliau memberikan fakta yang diberi tidak benar dan tepat terutamanya mengenai keghairahan IM untuk menegakkan syariat Islam menerusi cara keganasan pada awal 50an dahulu. Begitu juga pandangan beliau mengenai SQutb. Namun itulah yang difahami oleh think tank barat mengenai gerakan dakwah IM. Ringkasan ringkas tulisan beliau adalah seperti berikut:-
1. IM merupakan suatu gerakan yang dari awal-awal lagi memberi penekanan kepada dakwah dan khidmat kepada masyarakat. Mereka sangat tersusun dan berpengalaman luas.
2. IM sekarang sangat berhati-hati di dalam penglibatannya sebelum reformasi, semasa reformasi dan selepas reformasi.
3. IM sudah melibatkan diri dalam kerjasama dengan NGO islam dan sekular, pengarang dan lain-lain sejak 30 tahun lagi.
4. Rumusannya, IM sekarang bukan lagi IM seperti yang digembar gemburkan oleh barat dan regim Mubarak selama ini. Peranan mereka di dalam perbentukan kerajaan Mesir yang baru dan peranan di rantau sana tidak boleh dikesampingkan.
Untuk teks penuh, bolehlah antum membaca di alamat di bawah:
Rujuk:
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/print/
The MB After Mubarak
What the Brotherhood Is and How it Will Shape the Future
Carrie Rosefsky Wickham
CARRIE ROSEFSKY WICKHAM is Associate Professor of Political Science at Emory University [1].
With the end of the Mubarak era looming on the horizon, speculation has turned to whether the Muslim Brotherhood will dominate the new Egyptian political landscape. As the largest, most popular, and most effective opposition group in Egypt, it will undoubtedly seek a role in creating a new government, but the consequences of this are uncertain. Those who emphasize the risk of "Islamic tyranny" aptly note that the Muslim Brotherhood originated as an anti-system group dedicated to the establishment of sharia rule; committed acts of violence against its opponents in the pre-1952 era; and continues to use anti-Western, anti-Zionist, and anti-Semitic rhetoric. But portraying the Brotherhood as eager and able to seize power and impose its version of sharia on an unwilling citizenry is a caricature that exaggerates certain features of the Brotherhood while ignoring others, and underestimates the extent to which the group has changed over time.
Founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood has had the longest continuous existence of any contemporary Islamist group. It was initially established not as a political party but as a da'wa (religious outreach) association that aimed to cultivate pious and committed Muslims through preaching, social services, and spreading religious commitment and integrity by example. The group saw its understanding of Islam as the only "true" one and condemned partisanship as a source of national weakness. It called on Egyptians to unite to confront the forces of Zionism and imperialism and pursue economic development and social justice.
The Free Officers' Movement, which seized power in Egypt in 1952, was influenced by the Brotherhood and shared many of its concerns. But the new regime headed by Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser did not support the Brotherhood's call for sharia rule and viewed the group as a potential rival. After a member of the Brotherhood attempted to assassinate Nasser in 1954, Nasser had the pretext he needed to try to crush the organization -- interning thousands of its members in desert concentration camps and forcing others into exile or underground.
The leaders of the Brotherhood learned very different lessons from their experience during the Nasser years. Some, like the Brotherhood ideologue Sayyid Qutb, became radicalized and concluded that the only way to confront the vast coercive powers of the modern state was through jihad. Hasan al-Hudaybi, who succeeded Banna as the Brotherhood's General Guide, or leader, advocated moving toward greater judiciousness and caution. Umar Tilmisani, who succeeded Hudaybi in 1972, renounced violence as a domestic strategy altogether when then President Anwar el-Sadat allowed the group to join the political fold.
Beginning in 1984, the Brotherhood started running candidates in elections for the boards of Egypt's professional syndicates and for seats in parliament -- first as junior partners to legal parties and later, when electoral laws changed, as independents. Some of the group's leaders opposed participation, fearing that the Brotherhood would be forced to compromise its principles. But Tilmisani and others justified political participation as an extension of the Brotherhood's historic mission and assured critics that it would not detract from the Brotherhood's preaching and social services.
Although the Brotherhood entered the political system in order to change it, it ended up being changed by the system. Leaders who were elected to professional syndicates engaged in sustained dialogue and cooperation with members of other political movements, including secular Arab nationalists. Through such interactions, Islamists and Arabists found common ground in the call for an expansion of public freedoms, democracy, and respect for human rights and the rule of law, all of which, they admitted, their movements had neglected in the past.
By the early 1990s, many within the Brotherhood were demanding internal reform. Some pushed for revising the Brotherhood's ideology, including its positions on party pluralism and women's rights. Others criticized the old guard's monopoly of power within the Brotherhood's Guidance Bureau, demanding greater transparency, accountability, and stricter conformity with the internal by-laws governing the selection of leaders and the formation of policy.
In 1996, increasingly frustrated with the old guard's inflexible leadership, some prominent members of the "reformist" wing broke from the Brotherhood and sought a government license to form a new political party, Hizb al-Wasat (Center Party). Wasat leaders who used to be in the Brotherhood, along with a few reformers who remained in its fold, helped launch the cross-partisan Movement for Change, known by its slogan, Kefaya (Enough) between 2004 and 2005. They worked with secular democracy activists on such projects as creating a civic charter and a constitution, preparing for the time when a new democratic government came to power. During the past week of protests, members of these cross-partisan groups were able to quickly reactivate their networks to help form a united opposition front. These members will likely play a key role in drafting Egypt's new constitution.
Meanwhile, the Brotherhood itself has been stunted in comparison to its analogues in Morocco and Turkey because of its constant vulnerability to repression combined with the parochial mindset of its aging leaders. Nevertheless, important changes, representing a departure from the group's anti-system past, have occurred. Over the last 30 years, Brotherhood leaders have become habituated to electoral competition and representation, developed new professional competencies and skills, and forged closer ties with Egyptian activists, researchers, journalists, and politicians outside the Islamist camp. Calls for self-critique and self-reform have opened heated debates on policy matters that were once left to the discretion of the General Guide and his close advisers. And although the Brotherhood was never a monolith, its leadership is more internally diverse today than ever before.
The factions defy easy categorization, but there seem to be three major groups. The first may be called the da'wa faction. It is ideologically conservative and strongly represented in the Brotherhood's Guidance Bureau and local branch offices. Its main source of power is its control over bureaucratic operations and allocation of resources. Because it has also managed to control the socialization of new recruits, it has cultivated loyalty among the youth, particularly in rural areas. The second faction, who we might call pragmatic conservatives, seems to be the group's mainstream wing. This group combines religious conservatism with a belief in the value of participation and engagement. Most of the Brotherhood's members with legislative experience, including such long-time parliamentarians as Saad al-Katatni and Muhammad Mursi, fall into this category. The final faction is the group of reformers who chose to remain with the Brotherhood rather than breaking off. Advocating a progressive interpretation of Islam, this trend is weakly represented in the Guidance Bureau and does not have a large following among the Brotherhood's rank and file. Yet 'Abd al-Mun'em Abu Futuh, arguably the Brotherhood's most important reformist figure, has become an important model and source of inspiration for a new generation of Islamist democracy activists -- inside and outside the Muslim Brotherhood. Interestingly, Futuh first suggested that the Brotherhood throw its weight behind a secular reform candidate last February, prefiguring the Brotherhood's support for Mohamed El Baradei, the opposition's de facto leader, today.
Individuals affiliated with the reformist faction of the Brotherhood, whether still active in the group or not, appear to be the most involved in leading Egypt's popular uprising. It is not surprising, for example, that the reformist blogger Mustafa Naggar is one of the chief spokesman for El Baradei's National Coalition for Change. Still, the Brotherhood's participation has been low profile. It did not officially mobilize until January 28, days after the protests began. And unlike in previous demonstrations, when members of the Brotherhood held up copies of the Koran and shouted slogans such as "Islam is the solution," religious symbols have been conspicuously absent this time.
The Brotherhood knows from experience that the greater its role, the higher the risk of a violent crackdown -- as indicated by the harsh wave of repression that followed its strong showing in the 2005 parliamentary elections. Its immediate priority is to ensure that President Hosni Mubarak steps down and that the era of corruption and dictatorship associated with his rule comes to an end. To achieve that, the Brotherhood, along with other opposition groups, is backing El Baradei. The Brotherhood also knows that a smooth transition to a democratic system will require an interim government palatable to the military and the West, so it has indicated that it would not seek positions in the new government itself. The Brotherhood is too savvy, too pragmatic, and too cautious to squander its hard-earned reputation among Egyptians as a responsible political actor or invite the risk of a military coup by attempting to seize power on its own.
Still, it is unclear whether the group will continue to exercise pragmatic self-restraint down the road or whether its more progressive leaders will prevail. Such reformers may be most welcome among the other opposition groups when they draft a new constitution and establish the framework for new elections, but they do not necessarily speak for the group's senior leadership or the majority of its rank and file. It remains to be seen whether the Brotherhood as an organization -- not only individual members -- will accept a constitution that does not at least refer to sharia; respect the rights of all Egyptians to express their ideas and form parties; clarify its ambiguous positions on the rights of women and non-Muslims; develop concrete programs to address the nation's toughest social and economic problems; and apply the same pragmatism it has shown in the domestic arena to issues of foreign policy, including relations with Israel and the West. Over time, other parties -- including others with an Islamist orientation -- may provide the Brotherhood with some healthy competition and an impetus to further reform itself.
The Brotherhood has demonstrated that it is capable of evolving over time, and the best way to strengthen its democratic commitments is to include it in the political process, making sure there are checks and balances in place to ensure that no group can monopolize state power and that all citizens are guaranteed certain freedoms under the law. In the foreign policy domain, the Brotherhood rails against "U.S. and Zionist domination," demands the recognition of Palestinian rights, and may one day seek to revise the terms of Egypt's relationship with Israel through constitutional channels. The Brotherhood will likely never be as supportive of U.S. and Israeli interests in the region as Mubarak was. Yet here too, the best way for the United States to minimize the risk associated with the likely increase in its power is to encourage and reward judiciousness and pragmatism. With a track record of nearly 30 years of responsible behavior (if not rhetoric) and a strong base of support, the Muslim Brotherhood has earned a place at the table in the post-Mubarak era. No democratic transition can succeed without it.
Di dalam penulisan Carrie Rosefsky Wickham di dalam majalah Foreign Affair(majalah ini merupakan antara think tank k/jaan AS di dalam membentuk dasar luar mereka), beliau memberikan fakta yang diberi tidak benar dan tepat terutamanya mengenai keghairahan IM untuk menegakkan syariat Islam menerusi cara keganasan pada awal 50an dahulu. Begitu juga pandangan beliau mengenai SQutb. Namun itulah yang difahami oleh think tank barat mengenai gerakan dakwah IM. Ringkasan ringkas tulisan beliau adalah seperti berikut:-
1. IM merupakan suatu gerakan yang dari awal-awal lagi memberi penekanan kepada dakwah dan khidmat kepada masyarakat. Mereka sangat tersusun dan berpengalaman luas.
2. IM sekarang sangat berhati-hati di dalam penglibatannya sebelum reformasi, semasa reformasi dan selepas reformasi.
3. IM sudah melibatkan diri dalam kerjasama dengan NGO islam dan sekular, pengarang dan lain-lain sejak 30 tahun lagi.
4. Rumusannya, IM sekarang bukan lagi IM seperti yang digembar gemburkan oleh barat dan regim Mubarak selama ini. Peranan mereka di dalam perbentukan kerajaan Mesir yang baru dan peranan di rantau sana tidak boleh dikesampingkan.
Untuk teks penuh, bolehlah antum membaca di alamat di bawah:
Rujuk:
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/print/
The MB After Mubarak
What the Brotherhood Is and How it Will Shape the Future
Carrie Rosefsky Wickham
CARRIE ROSEFSKY WICKHAM is Associate Professor of Political Science at Emory University [1].
With the end of the Mubarak era looming on the horizon, speculation has turned to whether the Muslim Brotherhood will dominate the new Egyptian political landscape. As the largest, most popular, and most effective opposition group in Egypt, it will undoubtedly seek a role in creating a new government, but the consequences of this are uncertain. Those who emphasize the risk of "Islamic tyranny" aptly note that the Muslim Brotherhood originated as an anti-system group dedicated to the establishment of sharia rule; committed acts of violence against its opponents in the pre-1952 era; and continues to use anti-Western, anti-Zionist, and anti-Semitic rhetoric. But portraying the Brotherhood as eager and able to seize power and impose its version of sharia on an unwilling citizenry is a caricature that exaggerates certain features of the Brotherhood while ignoring others, and underestimates the extent to which the group has changed over time.
Founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood has had the longest continuous existence of any contemporary Islamist group. It was initially established not as a political party but as a da'wa (religious outreach) association that aimed to cultivate pious and committed Muslims through preaching, social services, and spreading religious commitment and integrity by example. The group saw its understanding of Islam as the only "true" one and condemned partisanship as a source of national weakness. It called on Egyptians to unite to confront the forces of Zionism and imperialism and pursue economic development and social justice.
The Free Officers' Movement, which seized power in Egypt in 1952, was influenced by the Brotherhood and shared many of its concerns. But the new regime headed by Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser did not support the Brotherhood's call for sharia rule and viewed the group as a potential rival. After a member of the Brotherhood attempted to assassinate Nasser in 1954, Nasser had the pretext he needed to try to crush the organization -- interning thousands of its members in desert concentration camps and forcing others into exile or underground.
The leaders of the Brotherhood learned very different lessons from their experience during the Nasser years. Some, like the Brotherhood ideologue Sayyid Qutb, became radicalized and concluded that the only way to confront the vast coercive powers of the modern state was through jihad. Hasan al-Hudaybi, who succeeded Banna as the Brotherhood's General Guide, or leader, advocated moving toward greater judiciousness and caution. Umar Tilmisani, who succeeded Hudaybi in 1972, renounced violence as a domestic strategy altogether when then President Anwar el-Sadat allowed the group to join the political fold.
Beginning in 1984, the Brotherhood started running candidates in elections for the boards of Egypt's professional syndicates and for seats in parliament -- first as junior partners to legal parties and later, when electoral laws changed, as independents. Some of the group's leaders opposed participation, fearing that the Brotherhood would be forced to compromise its principles. But Tilmisani and others justified political participation as an extension of the Brotherhood's historic mission and assured critics that it would not detract from the Brotherhood's preaching and social services.
Although the Brotherhood entered the political system in order to change it, it ended up being changed by the system. Leaders who were elected to professional syndicates engaged in sustained dialogue and cooperation with members of other political movements, including secular Arab nationalists. Through such interactions, Islamists and Arabists found common ground in the call for an expansion of public freedoms, democracy, and respect for human rights and the rule of law, all of which, they admitted, their movements had neglected in the past.
By the early 1990s, many within the Brotherhood were demanding internal reform. Some pushed for revising the Brotherhood's ideology, including its positions on party pluralism and women's rights. Others criticized the old guard's monopoly of power within the Brotherhood's Guidance Bureau, demanding greater transparency, accountability, and stricter conformity with the internal by-laws governing the selection of leaders and the formation of policy.
In 1996, increasingly frustrated with the old guard's inflexible leadership, some prominent members of the "reformist" wing broke from the Brotherhood and sought a government license to form a new political party, Hizb al-Wasat (Center Party). Wasat leaders who used to be in the Brotherhood, along with a few reformers who remained in its fold, helped launch the cross-partisan Movement for Change, known by its slogan, Kefaya (Enough) between 2004 and 2005. They worked with secular democracy activists on such projects as creating a civic charter and a constitution, preparing for the time when a new democratic government came to power. During the past week of protests, members of these cross-partisan groups were able to quickly reactivate their networks to help form a united opposition front. These members will likely play a key role in drafting Egypt's new constitution.
Meanwhile, the Brotherhood itself has been stunted in comparison to its analogues in Morocco and Turkey because of its constant vulnerability to repression combined with the parochial mindset of its aging leaders. Nevertheless, important changes, representing a departure from the group's anti-system past, have occurred. Over the last 30 years, Brotherhood leaders have become habituated to electoral competition and representation, developed new professional competencies and skills, and forged closer ties with Egyptian activists, researchers, journalists, and politicians outside the Islamist camp. Calls for self-critique and self-reform have opened heated debates on policy matters that were once left to the discretion of the General Guide and his close advisers. And although the Brotherhood was never a monolith, its leadership is more internally diverse today than ever before.
The factions defy easy categorization, but there seem to be three major groups. The first may be called the da'wa faction. It is ideologically conservative and strongly represented in the Brotherhood's Guidance Bureau and local branch offices. Its main source of power is its control over bureaucratic operations and allocation of resources. Because it has also managed to control the socialization of new recruits, it has cultivated loyalty among the youth, particularly in rural areas. The second faction, who we might call pragmatic conservatives, seems to be the group's mainstream wing. This group combines religious conservatism with a belief in the value of participation and engagement. Most of the Brotherhood's members with legislative experience, including such long-time parliamentarians as Saad al-Katatni and Muhammad Mursi, fall into this category. The final faction is the group of reformers who chose to remain with the Brotherhood rather than breaking off. Advocating a progressive interpretation of Islam, this trend is weakly represented in the Guidance Bureau and does not have a large following among the Brotherhood's rank and file. Yet 'Abd al-Mun'em Abu Futuh, arguably the Brotherhood's most important reformist figure, has become an important model and source of inspiration for a new generation of Islamist democracy activists -- inside and outside the Muslim Brotherhood. Interestingly, Futuh first suggested that the Brotherhood throw its weight behind a secular reform candidate last February, prefiguring the Brotherhood's support for Mohamed El Baradei, the opposition's de facto leader, today.
Individuals affiliated with the reformist faction of the Brotherhood, whether still active in the group or not, appear to be the most involved in leading Egypt's popular uprising. It is not surprising, for example, that the reformist blogger Mustafa Naggar is one of the chief spokesman for El Baradei's National Coalition for Change. Still, the Brotherhood's participation has been low profile. It did not officially mobilize until January 28, days after the protests began. And unlike in previous demonstrations, when members of the Brotherhood held up copies of the Koran and shouted slogans such as "Islam is the solution," religious symbols have been conspicuously absent this time.
The Brotherhood knows from experience that the greater its role, the higher the risk of a violent crackdown -- as indicated by the harsh wave of repression that followed its strong showing in the 2005 parliamentary elections. Its immediate priority is to ensure that President Hosni Mubarak steps down and that the era of corruption and dictatorship associated with his rule comes to an end. To achieve that, the Brotherhood, along with other opposition groups, is backing El Baradei. The Brotherhood also knows that a smooth transition to a democratic system will require an interim government palatable to the military and the West, so it has indicated that it would not seek positions in the new government itself. The Brotherhood is too savvy, too pragmatic, and too cautious to squander its hard-earned reputation among Egyptians as a responsible political actor or invite the risk of a military coup by attempting to seize power on its own.
Still, it is unclear whether the group will continue to exercise pragmatic self-restraint down the road or whether its more progressive leaders will prevail. Such reformers may be most welcome among the other opposition groups when they draft a new constitution and establish the framework for new elections, but they do not necessarily speak for the group's senior leadership or the majority of its rank and file. It remains to be seen whether the Brotherhood as an organization -- not only individual members -- will accept a constitution that does not at least refer to sharia; respect the rights of all Egyptians to express their ideas and form parties; clarify its ambiguous positions on the rights of women and non-Muslims; develop concrete programs to address the nation's toughest social and economic problems; and apply the same pragmatism it has shown in the domestic arena to issues of foreign policy, including relations with Israel and the West. Over time, other parties -- including others with an Islamist orientation -- may provide the Brotherhood with some healthy competition and an impetus to further reform itself.
The Brotherhood has demonstrated that it is capable of evolving over time, and the best way to strengthen its democratic commitments is to include it in the political process, making sure there are checks and balances in place to ensure that no group can monopolize state power and that all citizens are guaranteed certain freedoms under the law. In the foreign policy domain, the Brotherhood rails against "U.S. and Zionist domination," demands the recognition of Palestinian rights, and may one day seek to revise the terms of Egypt's relationship with Israel through constitutional channels. The Brotherhood will likely never be as supportive of U.S. and Israeli interests in the region as Mubarak was. Yet here too, the best way for the United States to minimize the risk associated with the likely increase in its power is to encourage and reward judiciousness and pragmatism. With a track record of nearly 30 years of responsible behavior (if not rhetoric) and a strong base of support, the Muslim Brotherhood has earned a place at the table in the post-Mubarak era. No democratic transition can succeed without it.
Sunday, February 27, 2011
Ke mana selepas ini? Mesir
Salam,
Satu analisis menarik dari Ahmad Luthfi Othman. Bila membacanya, hati ini menjadi agak risau juga. Adakah sejarah akan berulang? Kita doakan agar IM tidak ditipu di dalam lubang yang sama sebanyak dua kali.
Mereka merancang, tetapi Allah SWT adalah perancang yang terbaik.
w/a
Read on: (sumber http://www.harakahdaily.net/v2/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=30715:revolusi-mesir-di-mana-kedudukan-ikhwan-muslimin&catid=86:editor-harakah&Itemid=126)
Kebangkitan rakyat Tunisia sehingga dapat menggulingkan diktator Zine El Abidin Ben Ali dalam waktu begitu singkat kini menjalar ke Mesir, dan berpotensi cerah meranapkan banyak lagi pemerintahan kuku besi di rantau Arab. Siapa pun tidak dapat menduga, anak-anak muda yang membesar dalam ledakan dunia maklumat tanpa sempadan, yang sentiasa dikongkong dan dikurung oleh budaya takut, berjaya menghalau Ben Ali dan keluarga.
Di Timur Tengah, hampir semua kerajaan yang memerintah tidak dipilih rakyat melalui sistem demokrasi. Sama ada ia sebuah republik atau sistem monarki, memihak Barat atau memusuhinya, mengadakan hubungan dengan Israel atau tidak, namun rakyatnya sentiasa ditindas dan dinafikan hak. Elit penguasa membolot dan menimbun kekayaan untuk diri, keluarga dan kroni. Negara kaya tetapi majoriti penduduknya merempat. Pengangguran, kemiskinan dan rasuah bermaharajalela. Manakala maruah umat tergadai dengan pergantungan kepada kuasa-kuasa luar.
Tumpuan kini tertumpu ke Mesir. Regim zalim Hosni Mubarak, yang menjadi sekutu rapat Amerika Syarikat dan zionis Israel hanya menunggu masa untuk runtuh. Diberitakan keluarga presiden yang memerintah selama 30 tahun itu sudahpun melarikan diri ke luar negara. Hosni tidak berupaya lagi membendung amarah rakyat, yang terus melancarkan protes tanpa henti biarpun berdepan risiko tinggi. Medan Tahrir menjadi saksi pertumpahan darah tidak dapat dielakkan, apatah lagi rakyat berdepan dengan dalang keganasan yang dicetuskan Parti Nasionalis Demokratik pimpinan Hosni.
Keaiban detik-detik akhir kehidupan presiden sebelumnya, Anwar Sadat yang dibunuh di hadapan publik dan disiar secara langsung televisyen, mungkin berulang kepada Hosni. Anwar ditembak mati seorang anggota tentera, Leftenan Khalid Islambouli ketika beliau berdiri menerima tabik hormat daripada perbarisan ketenteraan pada 6 Oktober 1981. Ia berpunca daripada kemarahan rakyat terhadap perjanjian Mesir dengan Israel, dalam Perjanjian Kem David, selain penentangan terhadap amalan rasuah dan kenaikan harga barangan.
Apabila rasa gentar dan takut sudah hilang daripada sanubari rakyat tertindas, tiada apa lagi yang mampu menghalang tercetusnya revolusi dan pemberontakan. Regim yang diperkasakan oleh pasukan keselamatan, khususnya polis rahsia yang dulunya digeruni kini terpaksa melutut dengan suara keramat rakyat. Pukulan belantan, perintah darurat, arahan berkurung, tembakan gas pemedih mata, peluru getah hatta ratusan kes pembunuhan oleh agen pemerintah; semuanya dianggap enteng apabila kepompong budaya takut pecah berkecai.
Malah balai polis diserbu penunjuk perasaan dan mereka bertindak nekad membakarnya. Satu simbol nyata bahawa ketakutan yang membungkus gerak kehidupan rakyat selama ini telah turut terbakar. Rasa hormat dan maruah diri yang dipijak-pijak sejak sekian lama mula bangkit mengisi roh generasi baru rakyat Mesir. Mereka kini sedang berusaha mencipta sejarah, bukan hanya untuk membebaskan negara yang "terjajah" sekian lama, juga bagi membawa obor semangat buat negara-negara jiran dan ummah seluruhnya.
Sejarah pembebasan negara-negara Arab, termasuk Mesir dan Tunisia, daripada belenggu penjajahan, memang luar biasa. Pengaruh Mesir terhadap orang-orang Melayu juga tidak kurang hebatnya. Akhbar-akhbar Melayu, seperti al-Ikhwan, Saudara, al-Imam, Idaran Zaman dan Suara Melayu sejak awal abad 20 telah melaporkan pergolakan politik dan gerakan kebangsaan rakyat Mesir. Nama-nama pejuang dan pemikir Islam seperti Jamaluddin Al-Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) dan Rashid Ridha (1865-1935) tidak asing lagi kepada orang Melayu, yang seterusnya menimbulkan polemik Kaum Muda di Tanah Melayu.
Menurut Prof Dr Mohammad Redzuan Othman dalam bukunya, Islam dan Masyarakat Melayu; Peranan dan Pengaruh Timur Tengah, gerakan Pan-Islamisme yang dipelopori Jamaluddin Al-Afghani telah mencetuskan kesedaran kebangsaan rakyat Mesir. Ketika di Mesir, Afghani berjaya mempengaruhi generasi muda dan ramai pengikutnya muncul memainkan perana penting dalam perkembangan sejarah Mesir moden. Gagasan ideanya -- yang menyeru umat Islam kembali kepada ajaran sebenarnya -- lebih berpengaruh jika dibandingkan dengan pergerakan nasionalisme Arab atau Mesir.
Selain itu, dua institusi besar Mesir yang juga cukup dekat-akrab dengan masyarakat Islam di Malaysia ialah Universiti Al-Azhar dan gerakan Islam, Ikhwan Muslimin. Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat merumuskan: "Itulah hebatnya Mesir. Bumi anbiya' yang dipilih Allah SWT untuk menjadi tuan rumah kepada universiti tertua di dunia ini telah melahirkan generasi ulama terbilang yang bertebaran menyebarkan ilmu ke serata dunia."
"Sayangnya," tambah Ustaz Nik Aziz, "Mesir hari ini ditadbir oleh rejim diktator yang sedikitpun tidak mencerminkan kemuliaan Universiti al-Azhar. Lihatlah bagaimana Syed Qutb telah dibunuh dengan kejam hanya kerana menulis kitab Maalim fit Tariq dan tafsir Fil Zilal al-Quran."
Isu Palestin juga begitu dekat dengan umat Islam sedunia dan rakyat negara ini. Di kala zionis Yahudi bertindak zalim sewenang-wenangnya, dibantu pula oleh Amerika Syarikat, maka peranan negara-negara jiran, sekurang-kurangnya untuk tidak sama-sama menekan amat diharapkan. Mesir pula pernah menunjukkan komitmen dan kekuatannya untuk berperang dengan Israel.
Malangnya Mesir mengkhianati amanah dan harapan ummah. Ia turut melakukan pengepungan ke atas wilayah Gaza, Palestin. Talian hayat rakyat Palestin dipotong. Bantuan dunia luar tersekat. Mesir memang terbukti menjadi sekutu rapat dan talibarut Israel memerangi kumpulan Islam di Gaza. Benarlah rumusan Ustaz Nik Aziz:
"Sesungguhnya tangan Hosni Mubarak ialah tangan berlumuran dengan darah rakyat Palestin. Kekuasaannya tegak di atas susunan tulang tulang para ulama yang dikorbankan demi untuk memenuhi tuntutan hawa nafsunya."
Secara peribadi, saya lebih terasa intim dengan Ikhwan Muslimin (ditubuhkan pada 1927, di Isma'iliyyah, Mesir), yang dianggap guru buat semua gerakan Islam moden. Saya kira hampir semua aktivis dakwah di negara ini sedikit sebanyak, secara langsung atau tidak langsung, dipengaruhi Ikhwan. Malah kebangkitan harakah Islamiyah di negara-negara lain, seperti Jamaat Islami di Pakistan, Masyumi di Indonesia, Parti Refah di Turki, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) di Malaysia juga mendapat inspirasi daripada Ikhwan, yang kemudiannya diikuti Hamas di Palestin dan banyak lagi gerakan Islam di seluruh dunia.
Pengasasnya, Assyahid Hassan Al-Banna (14 Oktober 1906 - 12 Februari 1949) dibunuh regim Mesir melalui satu tipu helah jemputan perundingan dengan kerajaan. Imam yang agung itu terkena tujuh tembakan tetapi masih mampu berjalan memanggil ambulan. Bagaimanapun pihak tentera tidak membenarkan doktor merawatnya, sehinggalah Al-Bana sengaja dibiarkan mati dengan tumpahan darah yang banyak.
Tiada sesiapa dibenarkan menguruskan jenazahnya. Hanya ayahnya, Syeikh Ahmad Abdul Rahman, berusia lebih 90 tahun memandi dan mengafankan jenazah Al-Banna. Syeikh Ahmad bersama tiga anak perempuannya mengusung jenazah ke masjid dengan kawalan ketat tentera. Pengikut dan anak murid Al-Banna kemudiannya diburu bagaikan pengganas. Al-Banna bukan sahaja meninggalkan puluhan karya ulung untuk umat, tetapi lebih penting menunjukkan teladan unggul mengatur organisasi secara tersusun bagi melaksanakan perjuangan Islam di medan.
Kisah kezaliman dan penderitaan bukan hanya ditanggung Al-Banna tetapi seluruh generasi Ikhwan seterusnya. Penyeksaan yang ditanggung mereka terlalu perit untuk diceritakan. Penuh dengan air mata, penjara, darah, tali gantung, pengharaman dan pembunuhan kejam. Tokoh-tokoh Ikhwan lain yang harum namanya, dan terus disebut-sebut, selain meninggalkan khazanah pemikiran berharga, seperti Assyahid Syed Qutb, Assyahid Abd Qader Audah, Hassan Hudaibi, Umar Tilmisani, Mustafa Masyhur, Mustapha al-Siba'i, Said Hawwa, Syed Sabiq, Muhammad Al-Ghazali, Yusof Al-Qaradawi dan ramai lagi.
Memang ada pihak yang sangsi, apakah Ikhwan yang sering diperalatkan pemerintah akan "dipergunakan" sekali lagi apabila Mesir berdepan krisis besar? Apatah lagi Mesir merupakan negara paling strategik di Timur Tengah, malah bagi Napolean Bonaparte, ia negara terpenting di dunia. Regim Mesir sentiasa menekan dan menindas Ikhwan, sejak Raja Farouk, Jamal Abdul Nasser sehinggalah Anwar Sadat dan Mubarak. Walhal Nasser dan Sadat merupakan orang yang pernah rapat dengan Ikhwan.
Mohamad Fauzi Zakaria dalam, Aqidah Yang Menggoncang Dunia, yang merupakan kajian di peringkat sarjana terhadap pengaruh pemikiran Syed Qutb, menjelaskan Ikhwan terbabit secara aktif dalam Revolusi Julai 1952 menumbangkan tirani monarki, Raja Farouk. Malahan Syed Qutb ditawarkan beberapa kedudukan penting dalam kerajaan revolusi termasuk Menteri Pelajaran, memandangkan pengalamannya yang luas di bidang pendidikan. Namun beliau menolaknya.
Syed Qutb, dalam satu majlis yang dihadiri para pegawai tentera Mesir menegaskan: "Sesungguhnya revolusi telah berlaku ... keluarnya seorang raja tidak bermakna berakhirnya revovulsi. Bahkan matlamat terakhir revolusi ini ialah mengembalikan negeri ini kepada Islam ... Sesungguhnya diriku semasa pemerintahan beraja telah kusediakannya untuk dipenjarakan. Malah tidak aman diriku pada zaman ini pun untuk terus kusediakannya kepada penjara lebih daripada persediaanku sebelumnya." Dengan spontan, Jamal Abdul Nasser yang turut berada dalam majlis sama mencelah: "Saudaraku Syed, demi Allah, tidakkan sampai kebimbangan itu padamu melainkan langkahnya mayat kami. Kami berjanji padamu dengan nama Allah bahawa kamilah tebusan kepada dirimu sehingga maut!"
Realitinya, apa yang dibimbangi Syed Qutb itu terbukti benar. Atas konspirasi terancang, melalui fitnah terhadap gerakan itu, Ikhwan diharamkan pada 13 Januari 1954, pimpinan dan ribuan anggotanya ditangkap. Kenyataan rasmi regim Nasser, dua hari selepas itu: "Pengumuman penting Majlis Pimpinan Revolusi tentang Ikhwan Muslimin, hubungan mereka dengan Inggeris dan mengadakan pertubuhan sulit di dalam pasukan polis dan tentera dalam usaha menggulingkan kerajaan dengan berselindung di sebalik pergerakan agama." Syed Qutb akhirnya terkorban syahid di tali gantung pada pagi Isnin, 29 Ogos 1966, selepas dua kali dipenjarakan.
Saya yakin, suasana kini sudah banyak berubah. Generasi Ikhwan yang terlatih, berakhlak dan berdisiplin, serta kaya dengan pengalaman -- dibantu arus globalisasi dan dasar langit terbuka yang mempercepatkan proses pendemokrasian dan boleh menyulitkan berulangnya konspirasi jahat terhadap Ikhwan -- pasti bersedia menyumbang khidmat menyelamatkan Mesir secara lebih berkesan. Buat masa ini mereka lebih bersedia menonjolkan Mohamed El-Baradei, penerima Hadiah Nobel Keamanan 2005, ke hadapan. "Kemahuan kami adalah kehendak rakyat," kata salah seorang pemimpin Ikhwan di Kaherah.
Insya-Allah, Ikhwan tidak dapat ditipu lagi, manakala pemimpinnya lebih berhati-hati dan bijaksana membaca realiti bagi mengatur rentak. Imej ekstrimis, militan dan teroris, walaupun masih cuba dipalit ke wajah Ikhwan, namun agak sukar mempengaruhi majoriti rakyat yang sudah bersatu hati menghambat Hosni. Dalam masa sama, dipercayai regim Hosni cuba "bertarik tali" dan berlengah-lengah untuk meletakkan jawatan, bagi mempastikan pembaharuan Mesir tidak diterajui Ikhwan. Pemerintahan Amerika Syarikat yang menyokong transisi politik di Mesir turut meminta Hosni bertahan, bagi memastikan proses pembaharuan berjalan secara lancar dan aman.
Sekiranya pilihan raya adil dan bebas diadakan di Mesir, seperti pernah berlaku di Algeria dan Lubnan, juga seumpama di Turki, Ikhwan seperti gerakan Islam lainnya, akan mendapat sokongan ramai. Cuma, kepentingan Amerika dan Israel (terbukti Ikhwan bersedia bangun menentang Israel termasuk memikul senjata di medan perang) di Mesir jauh lebih besar berbanding Tunisia yang dibiarkan jatuh. Justeru, strategi dan pendekatan terbaik amat diperlukan oleh gerakan Islam masa kini, agar segala ruang sabotaj ditutup serapat mungkin.
Satu analisis menarik dari Ahmad Luthfi Othman. Bila membacanya, hati ini menjadi agak risau juga. Adakah sejarah akan berulang? Kita doakan agar IM tidak ditipu di dalam lubang yang sama sebanyak dua kali.
Mereka merancang, tetapi Allah SWT adalah perancang yang terbaik.
w/a
Read on: (sumber http://www.harakahdaily.net/v2/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=30715:revolusi-mesir-di-mana-kedudukan-ikhwan-muslimin&catid=86:editor-harakah&Itemid=126)
Kebangkitan rakyat Tunisia sehingga dapat menggulingkan diktator Zine El Abidin Ben Ali dalam waktu begitu singkat kini menjalar ke Mesir, dan berpotensi cerah meranapkan banyak lagi pemerintahan kuku besi di rantau Arab. Siapa pun tidak dapat menduga, anak-anak muda yang membesar dalam ledakan dunia maklumat tanpa sempadan, yang sentiasa dikongkong dan dikurung oleh budaya takut, berjaya menghalau Ben Ali dan keluarga.
Di Timur Tengah, hampir semua kerajaan yang memerintah tidak dipilih rakyat melalui sistem demokrasi. Sama ada ia sebuah republik atau sistem monarki, memihak Barat atau memusuhinya, mengadakan hubungan dengan Israel atau tidak, namun rakyatnya sentiasa ditindas dan dinafikan hak. Elit penguasa membolot dan menimbun kekayaan untuk diri, keluarga dan kroni. Negara kaya tetapi majoriti penduduknya merempat. Pengangguran, kemiskinan dan rasuah bermaharajalela. Manakala maruah umat tergadai dengan pergantungan kepada kuasa-kuasa luar.
Tumpuan kini tertumpu ke Mesir. Regim zalim Hosni Mubarak, yang menjadi sekutu rapat Amerika Syarikat dan zionis Israel hanya menunggu masa untuk runtuh. Diberitakan keluarga presiden yang memerintah selama 30 tahun itu sudahpun melarikan diri ke luar negara. Hosni tidak berupaya lagi membendung amarah rakyat, yang terus melancarkan protes tanpa henti biarpun berdepan risiko tinggi. Medan Tahrir menjadi saksi pertumpahan darah tidak dapat dielakkan, apatah lagi rakyat berdepan dengan dalang keganasan yang dicetuskan Parti Nasionalis Demokratik pimpinan Hosni.
Keaiban detik-detik akhir kehidupan presiden sebelumnya, Anwar Sadat yang dibunuh di hadapan publik dan disiar secara langsung televisyen, mungkin berulang kepada Hosni. Anwar ditembak mati seorang anggota tentera, Leftenan Khalid Islambouli ketika beliau berdiri menerima tabik hormat daripada perbarisan ketenteraan pada 6 Oktober 1981. Ia berpunca daripada kemarahan rakyat terhadap perjanjian Mesir dengan Israel, dalam Perjanjian Kem David, selain penentangan terhadap amalan rasuah dan kenaikan harga barangan.
Apabila rasa gentar dan takut sudah hilang daripada sanubari rakyat tertindas, tiada apa lagi yang mampu menghalang tercetusnya revolusi dan pemberontakan. Regim yang diperkasakan oleh pasukan keselamatan, khususnya polis rahsia yang dulunya digeruni kini terpaksa melutut dengan suara keramat rakyat. Pukulan belantan, perintah darurat, arahan berkurung, tembakan gas pemedih mata, peluru getah hatta ratusan kes pembunuhan oleh agen pemerintah; semuanya dianggap enteng apabila kepompong budaya takut pecah berkecai.
Malah balai polis diserbu penunjuk perasaan dan mereka bertindak nekad membakarnya. Satu simbol nyata bahawa ketakutan yang membungkus gerak kehidupan rakyat selama ini telah turut terbakar. Rasa hormat dan maruah diri yang dipijak-pijak sejak sekian lama mula bangkit mengisi roh generasi baru rakyat Mesir. Mereka kini sedang berusaha mencipta sejarah, bukan hanya untuk membebaskan negara yang "terjajah" sekian lama, juga bagi membawa obor semangat buat negara-negara jiran dan ummah seluruhnya.
Sejarah pembebasan negara-negara Arab, termasuk Mesir dan Tunisia, daripada belenggu penjajahan, memang luar biasa. Pengaruh Mesir terhadap orang-orang Melayu juga tidak kurang hebatnya. Akhbar-akhbar Melayu, seperti al-Ikhwan, Saudara, al-Imam, Idaran Zaman dan Suara Melayu sejak awal abad 20 telah melaporkan pergolakan politik dan gerakan kebangsaan rakyat Mesir. Nama-nama pejuang dan pemikir Islam seperti Jamaluddin Al-Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) dan Rashid Ridha (1865-1935) tidak asing lagi kepada orang Melayu, yang seterusnya menimbulkan polemik Kaum Muda di Tanah Melayu.
Menurut Prof Dr Mohammad Redzuan Othman dalam bukunya, Islam dan Masyarakat Melayu; Peranan dan Pengaruh Timur Tengah, gerakan Pan-Islamisme yang dipelopori Jamaluddin Al-Afghani telah mencetuskan kesedaran kebangsaan rakyat Mesir. Ketika di Mesir, Afghani berjaya mempengaruhi generasi muda dan ramai pengikutnya muncul memainkan perana penting dalam perkembangan sejarah Mesir moden. Gagasan ideanya -- yang menyeru umat Islam kembali kepada ajaran sebenarnya -- lebih berpengaruh jika dibandingkan dengan pergerakan nasionalisme Arab atau Mesir.
Selain itu, dua institusi besar Mesir yang juga cukup dekat-akrab dengan masyarakat Islam di Malaysia ialah Universiti Al-Azhar dan gerakan Islam, Ikhwan Muslimin. Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat merumuskan: "Itulah hebatnya Mesir. Bumi anbiya' yang dipilih Allah SWT untuk menjadi tuan rumah kepada universiti tertua di dunia ini telah melahirkan generasi ulama terbilang yang bertebaran menyebarkan ilmu ke serata dunia."
"Sayangnya," tambah Ustaz Nik Aziz, "Mesir hari ini ditadbir oleh rejim diktator yang sedikitpun tidak mencerminkan kemuliaan Universiti al-Azhar. Lihatlah bagaimana Syed Qutb telah dibunuh dengan kejam hanya kerana menulis kitab Maalim fit Tariq dan tafsir Fil Zilal al-Quran."
Isu Palestin juga begitu dekat dengan umat Islam sedunia dan rakyat negara ini. Di kala zionis Yahudi bertindak zalim sewenang-wenangnya, dibantu pula oleh Amerika Syarikat, maka peranan negara-negara jiran, sekurang-kurangnya untuk tidak sama-sama menekan amat diharapkan. Mesir pula pernah menunjukkan komitmen dan kekuatannya untuk berperang dengan Israel.
Malangnya Mesir mengkhianati amanah dan harapan ummah. Ia turut melakukan pengepungan ke atas wilayah Gaza, Palestin. Talian hayat rakyat Palestin dipotong. Bantuan dunia luar tersekat. Mesir memang terbukti menjadi sekutu rapat dan talibarut Israel memerangi kumpulan Islam di Gaza. Benarlah rumusan Ustaz Nik Aziz:
"Sesungguhnya tangan Hosni Mubarak ialah tangan berlumuran dengan darah rakyat Palestin. Kekuasaannya tegak di atas susunan tulang tulang para ulama yang dikorbankan demi untuk memenuhi tuntutan hawa nafsunya."
Secara peribadi, saya lebih terasa intim dengan Ikhwan Muslimin (ditubuhkan pada 1927, di Isma'iliyyah, Mesir), yang dianggap guru buat semua gerakan Islam moden. Saya kira hampir semua aktivis dakwah di negara ini sedikit sebanyak, secara langsung atau tidak langsung, dipengaruhi Ikhwan. Malah kebangkitan harakah Islamiyah di negara-negara lain, seperti Jamaat Islami di Pakistan, Masyumi di Indonesia, Parti Refah di Turki, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) di Malaysia juga mendapat inspirasi daripada Ikhwan, yang kemudiannya diikuti Hamas di Palestin dan banyak lagi gerakan Islam di seluruh dunia.
Pengasasnya, Assyahid Hassan Al-Banna (14 Oktober 1906 - 12 Februari 1949) dibunuh regim Mesir melalui satu tipu helah jemputan perundingan dengan kerajaan. Imam yang agung itu terkena tujuh tembakan tetapi masih mampu berjalan memanggil ambulan. Bagaimanapun pihak tentera tidak membenarkan doktor merawatnya, sehinggalah Al-Bana sengaja dibiarkan mati dengan tumpahan darah yang banyak.
Tiada sesiapa dibenarkan menguruskan jenazahnya. Hanya ayahnya, Syeikh Ahmad Abdul Rahman, berusia lebih 90 tahun memandi dan mengafankan jenazah Al-Banna. Syeikh Ahmad bersama tiga anak perempuannya mengusung jenazah ke masjid dengan kawalan ketat tentera. Pengikut dan anak murid Al-Banna kemudiannya diburu bagaikan pengganas. Al-Banna bukan sahaja meninggalkan puluhan karya ulung untuk umat, tetapi lebih penting menunjukkan teladan unggul mengatur organisasi secara tersusun bagi melaksanakan perjuangan Islam di medan.
Kisah kezaliman dan penderitaan bukan hanya ditanggung Al-Banna tetapi seluruh generasi Ikhwan seterusnya. Penyeksaan yang ditanggung mereka terlalu perit untuk diceritakan. Penuh dengan air mata, penjara, darah, tali gantung, pengharaman dan pembunuhan kejam. Tokoh-tokoh Ikhwan lain yang harum namanya, dan terus disebut-sebut, selain meninggalkan khazanah pemikiran berharga, seperti Assyahid Syed Qutb, Assyahid Abd Qader Audah, Hassan Hudaibi, Umar Tilmisani, Mustafa Masyhur, Mustapha al-Siba'i, Said Hawwa, Syed Sabiq, Muhammad Al-Ghazali, Yusof Al-Qaradawi dan ramai lagi.
Memang ada pihak yang sangsi, apakah Ikhwan yang sering diperalatkan pemerintah akan "dipergunakan" sekali lagi apabila Mesir berdepan krisis besar? Apatah lagi Mesir merupakan negara paling strategik di Timur Tengah, malah bagi Napolean Bonaparte, ia negara terpenting di dunia. Regim Mesir sentiasa menekan dan menindas Ikhwan, sejak Raja Farouk, Jamal Abdul Nasser sehinggalah Anwar Sadat dan Mubarak. Walhal Nasser dan Sadat merupakan orang yang pernah rapat dengan Ikhwan.
Mohamad Fauzi Zakaria dalam, Aqidah Yang Menggoncang Dunia, yang merupakan kajian di peringkat sarjana terhadap pengaruh pemikiran Syed Qutb, menjelaskan Ikhwan terbabit secara aktif dalam Revolusi Julai 1952 menumbangkan tirani monarki, Raja Farouk. Malahan Syed Qutb ditawarkan beberapa kedudukan penting dalam kerajaan revolusi termasuk Menteri Pelajaran, memandangkan pengalamannya yang luas di bidang pendidikan. Namun beliau menolaknya.
Syed Qutb, dalam satu majlis yang dihadiri para pegawai tentera Mesir menegaskan: "Sesungguhnya revolusi telah berlaku ... keluarnya seorang raja tidak bermakna berakhirnya revovulsi. Bahkan matlamat terakhir revolusi ini ialah mengembalikan negeri ini kepada Islam ... Sesungguhnya diriku semasa pemerintahan beraja telah kusediakannya untuk dipenjarakan. Malah tidak aman diriku pada zaman ini pun untuk terus kusediakannya kepada penjara lebih daripada persediaanku sebelumnya." Dengan spontan, Jamal Abdul Nasser yang turut berada dalam majlis sama mencelah: "Saudaraku Syed, demi Allah, tidakkan sampai kebimbangan itu padamu melainkan langkahnya mayat kami. Kami berjanji padamu dengan nama Allah bahawa kamilah tebusan kepada dirimu sehingga maut!"
Realitinya, apa yang dibimbangi Syed Qutb itu terbukti benar. Atas konspirasi terancang, melalui fitnah terhadap gerakan itu, Ikhwan diharamkan pada 13 Januari 1954, pimpinan dan ribuan anggotanya ditangkap. Kenyataan rasmi regim Nasser, dua hari selepas itu: "Pengumuman penting Majlis Pimpinan Revolusi tentang Ikhwan Muslimin, hubungan mereka dengan Inggeris dan mengadakan pertubuhan sulit di dalam pasukan polis dan tentera dalam usaha menggulingkan kerajaan dengan berselindung di sebalik pergerakan agama." Syed Qutb akhirnya terkorban syahid di tali gantung pada pagi Isnin, 29 Ogos 1966, selepas dua kali dipenjarakan.
Saya yakin, suasana kini sudah banyak berubah. Generasi Ikhwan yang terlatih, berakhlak dan berdisiplin, serta kaya dengan pengalaman -- dibantu arus globalisasi dan dasar langit terbuka yang mempercepatkan proses pendemokrasian dan boleh menyulitkan berulangnya konspirasi jahat terhadap Ikhwan -- pasti bersedia menyumbang khidmat menyelamatkan Mesir secara lebih berkesan. Buat masa ini mereka lebih bersedia menonjolkan Mohamed El-Baradei, penerima Hadiah Nobel Keamanan 2005, ke hadapan. "Kemahuan kami adalah kehendak rakyat," kata salah seorang pemimpin Ikhwan di Kaherah.
Insya-Allah, Ikhwan tidak dapat ditipu lagi, manakala pemimpinnya lebih berhati-hati dan bijaksana membaca realiti bagi mengatur rentak. Imej ekstrimis, militan dan teroris, walaupun masih cuba dipalit ke wajah Ikhwan, namun agak sukar mempengaruhi majoriti rakyat yang sudah bersatu hati menghambat Hosni. Dalam masa sama, dipercayai regim Hosni cuba "bertarik tali" dan berlengah-lengah untuk meletakkan jawatan, bagi mempastikan pembaharuan Mesir tidak diterajui Ikhwan. Pemerintahan Amerika Syarikat yang menyokong transisi politik di Mesir turut meminta Hosni bertahan, bagi memastikan proses pembaharuan berjalan secara lancar dan aman.
Sekiranya pilihan raya adil dan bebas diadakan di Mesir, seperti pernah berlaku di Algeria dan Lubnan, juga seumpama di Turki, Ikhwan seperti gerakan Islam lainnya, akan mendapat sokongan ramai. Cuma, kepentingan Amerika dan Israel (terbukti Ikhwan bersedia bangun menentang Israel termasuk memikul senjata di medan perang) di Mesir jauh lebih besar berbanding Tunisia yang dibiarkan jatuh. Justeru, strategi dan pendekatan terbaik amat diperlukan oleh gerakan Islam masa kini, agar segala ruang sabotaj ditutup serapat mungkin.
Sunday, February 13, 2011
Ucapan penghargaan di atas daya tahan dan kejayaan menumpaskan regim
Salam,
1. Orang Mesir sendiri tidak menyangka yang mantan presiden Mesir Mubarak akan berundur kerana beliau amat terkenal dengan kedegilannya.
2. Selepas kejatuhan regim, kita dapat lihat banyak respon daripada negara-negara barat dan sekutunya. Begitu juga daripada Setiausaha agung PBB, Ban Kee Moon. Jika diteliti, mereka mengharapkan agar polisi dan perjanjian yang sedia ada dapat diteruskan. Yang paling teramat risau ialah pimpinan negara haram Israel sendiri. Mereka bimbang, jika Mesir akan jatuh ke tangan IM yang mereka katakan sebagai paling berpengaruh dan tersusun. Pimpinan-pimpinan regim di negara Arab yang lain sudah mula merasai bahang kebangikitan ini. Ada yang mula membuat perubahan untuk menyekat kebangkitan rakyat mereka. Kini, ianya mula merebak ke Algeria, Yaman, Bahrain, Jordan dan lain-lain negara.
3. Pihak oposisi negara barat seperti hizbullah,Iran dan Hamas mengalu-alukan kejayaan ini. Saya tidak melihat komen secara jelas dari negara Cina dan Rusia. W/a, apa sebabnya.
4. Berikut adalah komen IM berkaitan dengan kejayaan rakyat Mesir menumpaskan regim Mubarak yang zalim. Read on....
MB Commends the People on Their Resilience and Success in Toppling Mubarak’s Regime
tarikh: Sabtu 12 Feb. 2011
Following the historical fall of Egypt’s former president, Hosni Mubarak and his regime, the Muslim Brotherhood issued this statement congratulating the people on its good fortune.
In its statement the MB hailed the people and applauded the real heroes of the historical People’s Revolution, stressing that the revolution proved successful following the people’s united stance and sacrifices.
It cheered each and every Egyptian including men, women, children, Muslims and Christians describing the joyful news as a new dawn for all Egyptians free from the tyranny and oppression of Mubarak and his regime.
The MB reminds the masses that the great revolution could not have come about without the inevitable sacrifices, referring to the young men and women who paid with their lives so that others may live in freedom.The statement extends the MB's heartfelt condolences to the families of the victims, reminding them that the blood of their loved ones did not go to waste.
The MB sincerely thanks and commends the army which continued to demonstrate mature understanding of the situation, acknowledging the army’s patience and tolerance in dealing with the people. It added that the army has continued to work in favour of the people and the people trust that the army will continue during this transitional period, to work in favour of each and every Egyptian in a peaceful manner to establish a civil state and legislative institutions chosen by the people through free, fair and transparent elections.
The MB asserts that the coming days will prove to be just as trying as the preliminary stages during the revolution, however, just as the youth proved to be resilient during the first stages they will also succeed in promoting progress, justice, freedom and respect for human rights to fight any further injustices.
The MB concluded its statement, asserting that through mutual respect and unity Egypt will prosper to restore its glory and be a nation comprised of people from all walks, sects, colours creeds and religions, living in peaceful and tranquil harmony.
Rujukan:
http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=28007
Kenyataan media IM berhubung dengan kebangkitan rakyat di Mesir
Salam,
Kenyataan media IM berhubung dengan kebangkitan rakyat di Mesir sebelum regim ditumbangkan pada hari Sabtu 12 Februari . Allah izin bersamaan dengan tarikh Syeikh Hassan Al-Banna telah ditembak mati oleh penembak upahan pada waktu Zohor 12 Februari 1949, ketika keluar dari bangunan Ikhwan Muslimin di Kaherah, Mesir. Pembunuhan beliau didakwa dirancang oleh pihak polis rahsia kerajaan. Jenazah al-Imam Asy-Syahid Hassan al-Banna telah dikebumikan dengan kawalan kereta-kereta kebal dan perisai. Orang ramai tidak dibenarkan menghadiri upacara pengembumiannya, yang hadir hanya terdiri daripada keluarganya yang terdekat sahaja.
Read on:
•Egypt's authoritarian regime has lost its legitimacy, as marches organized by thousands of anti-government protesters gather at Tahrir Square downtown Cairo and most governorates of Egypt and continue to challenge the people's will. A tired-looking Mubarak, rather than step down for a peaceful transition of power, was shown on state TV with his associates hated by the masses in a provocative scene, to prove that he still holds the reins of power. This was done in a bid to raise the wrath of rebel protesters.
•What also provokes people's anger is that state-owned newspapers reported that Mubarak offers condolences to the families of those killed, in disregard of people's minds, which triggered the people to ask, who is responsible for the murders? Is not Mubarak personally responsible for the missing people who have been detained, tortured and killed under his regime? Is he not the chief executive as long as officials boast that they carry out his instructions?
•To make matters worse, he signed a decree to form a commission which will be tasked to oversee constitutional and required legislative amendments. Regardless of our respect for its members, we believe it is illegitimate because it was composed by the president who has lost his legitimacy..
•The MB believes that the decisions issued by the illegal president is a desperate attempt to deceive the people, and gain time to hold onto power. The dismissal of some officials of the ruling National Democratic Party who have corrupted and perverted political and economic life in Egypt and blatantly rigged the results of both upper and lower chambers, is insufficient because they have distorted Egypt's reputation and quelled people's will. Are not the people who commit such offenses put to trial? It is justice to make a few people scapegoats, while the others are covered up. Public corruption cases must be investigated and prosecuted by the people who have ultimate authority.
•The money that has been looted by businessmen from the former government is sufficient to pay off all Egypt's debts and build a strong economy that will provide jobs for all with decent wages and which will financially encompass disabled and needy families. A strong economy will enable the country to get rid of dependency, eliminate poverty and put an end to foreign aid. Therefore, people want revenge from those thieves and to regain their usurped rights.
•The immediate release of political prisoners and protestors from the recent anti-government protests is the real test of government credibility.
•Attempts by Mubarak to remain in power is not welcomed by the people and those who are allegedly keen on his dignity as Egypt's president should convince him to leave for the sake of the country's supreme interests and its national security.
•It is time for the pro-Mubarak editor-in-chiefs of State-Controlled newspaper to repent, awaken their consciences, align their people, prove their loyalty and abide by the truth far removed from the regime's dictates.
•The Egyptian people have broken the barrier of fear and their awareness has increased and they will not be deceived by the limited procedures taken by officials. The people are patient and determined to achieve their demands, regardless of the sacrifices.
Rujukan:
http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=27993
Bertarikh: Rabu,9 February,2011 20:04
Kenyataan media IM berhubung dengan kebangkitan rakyat di Mesir sebelum regim ditumbangkan pada hari Sabtu 12 Februari . Allah izin bersamaan dengan tarikh Syeikh Hassan Al-Banna telah ditembak mati oleh penembak upahan pada waktu Zohor 12 Februari 1949, ketika keluar dari bangunan Ikhwan Muslimin di Kaherah, Mesir. Pembunuhan beliau didakwa dirancang oleh pihak polis rahsia kerajaan. Jenazah al-Imam Asy-Syahid Hassan al-Banna telah dikebumikan dengan kawalan kereta-kereta kebal dan perisai. Orang ramai tidak dibenarkan menghadiri upacara pengembumiannya, yang hadir hanya terdiri daripada keluarganya yang terdekat sahaja.
Read on:
•Egypt's authoritarian regime has lost its legitimacy, as marches organized by thousands of anti-government protesters gather at Tahrir Square downtown Cairo and most governorates of Egypt and continue to challenge the people's will. A tired-looking Mubarak, rather than step down for a peaceful transition of power, was shown on state TV with his associates hated by the masses in a provocative scene, to prove that he still holds the reins of power. This was done in a bid to raise the wrath of rebel protesters.
•What also provokes people's anger is that state-owned newspapers reported that Mubarak offers condolences to the families of those killed, in disregard of people's minds, which triggered the people to ask, who is responsible for the murders? Is not Mubarak personally responsible for the missing people who have been detained, tortured and killed under his regime? Is he not the chief executive as long as officials boast that they carry out his instructions?
•To make matters worse, he signed a decree to form a commission which will be tasked to oversee constitutional and required legislative amendments. Regardless of our respect for its members, we believe it is illegitimate because it was composed by the president who has lost his legitimacy..
•The MB believes that the decisions issued by the illegal president is a desperate attempt to deceive the people, and gain time to hold onto power. The dismissal of some officials of the ruling National Democratic Party who have corrupted and perverted political and economic life in Egypt and blatantly rigged the results of both upper and lower chambers, is insufficient because they have distorted Egypt's reputation and quelled people's will. Are not the people who commit such offenses put to trial? It is justice to make a few people scapegoats, while the others are covered up. Public corruption cases must be investigated and prosecuted by the people who have ultimate authority.
•The money that has been looted by businessmen from the former government is sufficient to pay off all Egypt's debts and build a strong economy that will provide jobs for all with decent wages and which will financially encompass disabled and needy families. A strong economy will enable the country to get rid of dependency, eliminate poverty and put an end to foreign aid. Therefore, people want revenge from those thieves and to regain their usurped rights.
•The immediate release of political prisoners and protestors from the recent anti-government protests is the real test of government credibility.
•Attempts by Mubarak to remain in power is not welcomed by the people and those who are allegedly keen on his dignity as Egypt's president should convince him to leave for the sake of the country's supreme interests and its national security.
•It is time for the pro-Mubarak editor-in-chiefs of State-Controlled newspaper to repent, awaken their consciences, align their people, prove their loyalty and abide by the truth far removed from the regime's dictates.
•The Egyptian people have broken the barrier of fear and their awareness has increased and they will not be deceived by the limited procedures taken by officials. The people are patient and determined to achieve their demands, regardless of the sacrifices.
Rujukan:
http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=27993
Bertarikh: Rabu,9 February,2011 20:04
Tuesday, February 08, 2011
Tidak dipatuk dua kali
IM berpengalaman berbincang dengan regim Jamal abdul Naseer pada awal 50an dahulu, namun mereka telah dikhianati. Kebanyakan mereka ditangkap, ada yang dibunuh. Kali ini sekali lagi IM dijemput untuk berada semeja dengan wakil presiden Mesir, Omar Suleiman. Situasi kali ini mungkin berbeza, namun mereka lebih berhati-hati kerana orang mukmin tidak dipatuk dalam lubang yang sama sebanyak dua kali.
Read on....
MB Statement on the Dialogue between Youth, Political and National Forces with Egypt’s Vice-President
Further to the statement issued yesterday in which we explained our position with regards to the principle, context, form and subject of the protests, we are committed to public opinion and the people’s right to self-determination and its future.
Further to the statement issued yesterday in which we explained our position with regards to the principle, context, form and subject of the protests, we are committed to public opinion and the people’s right to self-determination and its future. We submit our stance with the utmost honesty and transparency:
- we emphasize that we are a part of this great nation of Egypt. We cannot separate ourselves from it and will never cease caring about it and taking responsibility for it. We have the duty to be loyal to the nation during times of prosperity, hardship, sacrifice and redemption.
- we have not changed our stance of adhering to the demands of the people to which we belong.
Imam Hasan Hudhaibi
- we have accepted to engage in this dialogue to deliver those demands directly to the new officials, testing their seriousness in response to these demands. We also engaged in this dialogue to spare our people and our country more losses due to the stubbornness and rigidity of the regime.
- our engagement in this dialogue is for the interest of the revolution, the people and the country. We support its continuity until we ensure the demands have been achieved.
- we are keen on preserving the youth, and popular, political and national unity. Therefore, we have demanded this collective dialogue, that includes all the national forces, particularly the youth which have been the leader of this blessed uprising.
- we requested this in order to deliver the people’s collective demands and show our unity . If any of these forces were absent from the dialogue, this should be remedied in the future.
- we have requested a change in the process to create a degree of trust between the people and the regime. Therefore, we have demanded the immediate implementation of many reforms which does not require a legal or constitutional process to reassure the people of the regime's seriousness and willingness to respond to the rest of their demands.
-we do not have a special agenda; we follow the trends and have often repeated that we are not seeking power or position, and will not nominate anyone to run for the presidency.
The points which were agreed upon during the dialogue were as follows:
-recognition of the people’s movement, which began on January 25, 2011 as an honourable national movement.
-the need to ensure the safety of the demonstrators and the full recognition of the people’s right to peaceful protests at any time to monitor the implementation of their demands and express their opinions.
- ending the State of Emergency once the security situation in Egypt is contained and before holding any elections.
-amending Articles 76,77 and 88 and any other constitutional amendments required for the peaceful transition of power.
-forming a committee, including members of the judiciary and political figures to study and propose the constitutional amendments and the necessary constitutional amendments for some laws that are complementary to the constitution with a deadline at the end of the first week of March.
- pursuing and investigating corrupt people and those responsible for the disorder; commanders and officers who have killed the youth, and to bring them to justice immediately.
- not imposing any kind of restriction on the media and communications that goes beyond the law. Halting media campaigns which aim at distorting the people’s revolution.
-forming a national committee of public and independent figures as well as representatives of popular movements that follows up the implementation of what has been agreed upon.
We adhere to the demands of the people and the final word will be for the people.
We have engaged in this dialogue on an equal status with the other parties and with our free will. The responses of the regime to the demands of the people will determine how long the dialogue will continue. Peaceful demonstrations will continue to achieve the people’s demands.
The MB
6 February 2011
rujukan:
http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=27977
Saturday, February 05, 2011
Mitos terhadap gerakan Islam
Salam,
Barat amat risau mengenai perkembangan yang berlaku di Mesir. Mereka bimbang kepentingan mereka akan terjejas. Justeru itu mereka timbulkan pelbagai keraguan terhadap kemampuan rakyat Mesir mentadbir negara mereka, jika rejim Mubarak jatuh.
Berikut dikongsikan beberapa wawancara yang berkaitan, antaranya
1. Sh Kamal Helbawi dengan BBC
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/hardtalk/9384094.stm
2. ElBaradei: Muslim Brotherhood threat is a myth pushed by dictatorial regime
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lSVjv3hz3cY
3. Tariq Ramadan and Slavoj Zizek on the future of Egyptian politics
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=29NffzEh2b0
Semoga bermanfaat
Barat amat risau mengenai perkembangan yang berlaku di Mesir. Mereka bimbang kepentingan mereka akan terjejas. Justeru itu mereka timbulkan pelbagai keraguan terhadap kemampuan rakyat Mesir mentadbir negara mereka, jika rejim Mubarak jatuh.
Berikut dikongsikan beberapa wawancara yang berkaitan, antaranya
1. Sh Kamal Helbawi dengan BBC
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/hardtalk/9384094.stm
2. ElBaradei: Muslim Brotherhood threat is a myth pushed by dictatorial regime
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lSVjv3hz3cY
3. Tariq Ramadan and Slavoj Zizek on the future of Egyptian politics
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=29NffzEh2b0
Semoga bermanfaat
Wednesday, February 02, 2011
Bantuan AS kepada Mesir
Assalamu'alaikum wbth,
Di suasana tegang seperti di Mesir sekarang kita akan dapati banyak informasi yang berguna untuk kegunaan pada dan pengajaran pada masa hadapan. Aspek wajah sebenar barat, sikap negara-negara Islam yang pro barat dan sebagainya.
Biasanya negara barat akan bersikap hipokrit. Jika ia berkata A, hakikatnya ialah B. Berikut saya sertakan sedikit info mengenai pakej bantuan AS kepada Mesir. Maaf kerana ianya adalah di dalam bahasa Inggeris. Semoga bermanfaat.
Bantuan AS kepada Mesir
Egypt has received $28bn in assistance since 1975, according to the US Agency for International Development. While USAID's website says the funds have gone to programs devoted to health, trade and education – among other things – most US aid goes to Egypt's military.
Egypt receives close to $2bn in economic and military aid every year, making it the second largest recipient of US foreign assistance after Israel. Of that, $1.3bn is devoted to military assistance, according to the Congressional Research Service, the public policy arm of the US congress.
One third of Egypt's military aid is used to upgrade its weapons systems - in essence to replace older Soviet weapons with US arms, according to a CRS report.
During the past four days of protests, it's been widely reported that tear gas canisters fired at protesters are stamped "Made in USA".
Among the weapons the US has provided Egypt: F-4 jet aircraft, F-16 jet fighters, armoured personnel carriers, Apache helicopters, antiaircraft missile batteries, and aerial surveillance aircraft, according to the US State Department.
In addition to modernising Egypt's military hardware, the US participates in joint military exercises with the Arab world's most populous nation, including Operation Bright Start, the largest event of its kind in the region.
US wants 'orderly transition'
The basis of US assistance to the country is the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty of 1979, which promised aid to Egypt in return for maintaining the agreement. The US largely views Egypt as a moderating force in the Arab world and a key mediator in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Critics of Washington's policy towards Egypt argue that the financial assistance does not curry favor with the Egyptian people.
Writing for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in 2009, Ahmad Al-Sayed El-Naggar said the money "does not aim to strengthen Egyptian military power against any external threat, as this would be contrary to the declared US objective of ensuring Israeli security and maintaining Israeli military supremacy over its Arab neighbors, including Egypt. Instead, this aid is devoted mainly to strengthening the regime's domestic security and its ability to confront popular movements".
Last December, a leaked US cable released by WikiLeaks revealed there is frustration on the part of Egyptian military officials who believe the $1.3bn a year in military aid is not enough.
According to the cable, the deputy assistant secretary of defence for the Middle East, Dr. Colin Kahl, told them it was unlikely that the US would increase its aid given the "difficult financial times".
He did, however, reassure the Egyptian officials that the US government would continue to advocate for current levels of military assistance, the cable states, "and push back on any attempts to condition those funds".
Monday, January 31, 2011
Balasan orang yang membuat zalim
Assalamu'alaikum wbth,
Kita telah melihat berakhirnya diktator yang zalim jatuh seorang demi seorang pada abad lalu seperti:-
a. Shah Iran, di Iran, 1941- 1979.
b. Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Presiden Filifina yang ke-10, 1965- 1986.
c. Suharto, Presiden Indonesia, 12 Mac 1967 – 21 Mei 1998
d. Zine El Abedine Ben Ali, November 1987 – 14 Januari 2011
Sudah menjadi sunnatullah, orang yang membuat kezaliman akan dibalas di atas kezalimannya ke atas orang lain. Hal ini dijelaskan oleh Ar Rasul SAW ,
` Tidak ada dosa yang lebih disegerakan oleh Allah SWT balasannya kepada pelakunya ketika di dunia ini lagi, iaitu orang yang memutuskan silaturrahim dan membuat zalim'.
HR Abu Dawood
Orang yang dizalimi doanya mustajab. Ar Rasul SAW berpesan kepada Muaz bin Jabal ketika mengutusnya ke Yaman,
`..............hati-hatilah terhadap doa orang yang dizalimi, kerana sesunggunnya antara doanya dan Allah SWT tidak ada hijab.'
Hadith ini memberi peringatan kepada kita untuk menjauhi segala bentuk kezaliman.
Perkembangan terkini pula, di Mesir. Rakyat Mesir tidak kira ideologi politik dan agama telah berpadu tenaga untuk menjatuhkan regim yang ada. Presiden Husni Mubarak telah berkuasa di Mesir sejak tahun 1981 lalu menggantikan Presiden Anwar Sadat yang terbunuh oleh musuh politiknya.
Semoga Allah SWT membantu rakyat Mesir yang dahagakan kebebasan dan mereka dapat membentuk satu negara yang kuat dan menjadi satu kuasa Islam di timur tengah tanpa belenggu Amerika, Britain dan negara barat.
Kita telah melihat berakhirnya diktator yang zalim jatuh seorang demi seorang pada abad lalu seperti:-
a. Shah Iran, di Iran, 1941- 1979.
b. Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Presiden Filifina yang ke-10, 1965- 1986.
c. Suharto, Presiden Indonesia, 12 Mac 1967 – 21 Mei 1998
d. Zine El Abedine Ben Ali, November 1987 – 14 Januari 2011
Sudah menjadi sunnatullah, orang yang membuat kezaliman akan dibalas di atas kezalimannya ke atas orang lain. Hal ini dijelaskan oleh Ar Rasul SAW ,
` Tidak ada dosa yang lebih disegerakan oleh Allah SWT balasannya kepada pelakunya ketika di dunia ini lagi, iaitu orang yang memutuskan silaturrahim dan membuat zalim'.
HR Abu Dawood
Orang yang dizalimi doanya mustajab. Ar Rasul SAW berpesan kepada Muaz bin Jabal ketika mengutusnya ke Yaman,
`..............hati-hatilah terhadap doa orang yang dizalimi, kerana sesunggunnya antara doanya dan Allah SWT tidak ada hijab.'
Hadith ini memberi peringatan kepada kita untuk menjauhi segala bentuk kezaliman.
Perkembangan terkini pula, di Mesir. Rakyat Mesir tidak kira ideologi politik dan agama telah berpadu tenaga untuk menjatuhkan regim yang ada. Presiden Husni Mubarak telah berkuasa di Mesir sejak tahun 1981 lalu menggantikan Presiden Anwar Sadat yang terbunuh oleh musuh politiknya.
Semoga Allah SWT membantu rakyat Mesir yang dahagakan kebebasan dan mereka dapat membentuk satu negara yang kuat dan menjadi satu kuasa Islam di timur tengah tanpa belenggu Amerika, Britain dan negara barat.
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